● Inclusive and universal access to common goods by depoliticizing agriculture inputs and food hand-outs provided by the state – giving out food or humanitarian aid to everybody in need despite their political affiliation. ● Depoliticizing and demilitarizing of state institutions, especially from the provincial to the village levels where some political party functionaries have replaced the state. The state should have continued to take charge of, for example, livelihood provisions such as access to land and local resources, local employment opportunities, among others. These livelihood endowments should have been accessed by all Zimbabweans without political favours - rather than being used to coerce voters to support certain political parties. ● A comprehensive national peace and reconciliation process to help voters recover from electoral violence and trauma experienced in previous elections. This could have improved voters' confidence and freedom of expression. ● Inclusive, agreeable rules, code of conduct or more procedural ways for distributing political party regalia. This could have averted loss of life during scramble and minimized community grudges or violent conflicts between those who receive (political party regalia) and those who didn't. A systematic allocation could also have minimized voter apathy or ―voter protestǁ, especially by some youth who concluded voting was just for the elderly because ―they are given the regalia.ǁ ● Comprehensiveness by political parties in planning and preparing for their primary elections. Timely availability of primary election voters' rolls and voting materials and democratic selection of candidates could have minimized violent conflicts experienced during primary elections. ● Equal media access to all contesting political parties could have provided voters with critical information for informed political choices. ● More and sufficient voter education adapted and translated to all the country's 16 languages including sign languages and Braille - voter education that also targeted first time voters. ● More swiftness in bio-metric voter registration - and availability of ablution facilities at bio-metric voter registration centres and other open spaces where electoral processes took place. ● Availing the voters' roll to all political parties and the public before the sitting of the Nomination Court and Election Day for transparency and accountability purposes. ● Consistency in the announcement of the number of votes obtained by the two top presidential candidates to exhibit transparency, efficiency and reliability. This could have created more trust and reduced legitimacy questions for the subsequently declared presidential candidate. ● Avoiding the use of live ammunition on demonstrating civilians as happened on 1 August 2018 - and making apologies for the loss of lives, injuries and damages caused. ● Utilisation of Zimbabwe's independent commissions under Chapter 12 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 20) Act 2013 such as the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commissions (ZHRC) and the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC) to inquire into the Post Election Violence that took place on 1 August 2018 in Zimbabwe because of their familiarity with the environment. The ZHRC and NPRC could have exercised their constitutionally given mandates and independence. They could have reported their findings to parliament (and not to an individual) and would have been less expensive since they are resident with functional Secretariats. ● Electoral reforms could have started soon after 2013 Harmonized Elections and taken as a process with adequate inclusivity, dialogue, engagements and time for implementation. v