7 Contempt and disregard for the rule of law has been a worrying feature of Zimbabwean political life since 1998. Beginning with the Food Riots in January 1998 4, there has a succession of events in which the State and the Executive has shown scant regard for constitutionalilty. We have witnessed the deployment of troops in the DRC outside the constitutional power of the President (but later ratified by Parliament); avoidance of constitutional duty in the failure to prosecute the torturers of Mark Chavunduka and Ray Choto; and attacks on the judiciary by the Executive, senior members of the government, and even by the Attorney-General. The Zimbabwe Republic Police have increasingly only fulfilled their duty under compulsion of court order. The erosion of respect for the rule of law provides a crucial backdrop to the general election, and must additionally been seen within the framework of continued impunity. It becomes obvious that, against this background, a war veteran can publicly state that he has the power to commit acts of violence because he knows that they will be pardoned, as was the case in Matabeleland 5. The explicit reference to impunity for the atrocities of the Gukurahundi is particularly chilling, and yet another clue to the character of this election violence: yet another low intensity war! The Scale of the Violence Militia Groups Militia groups were a very important component of the election strategy, and still remain crucial to the continuing farm invasions. At their core, the Zanu (PF) militias consist of individuals with experience of organised violence, usually war veterans. The rank and file of the groups are composed largely of unemployed youths who are usually paid for their support. Most people believe they were receiving cash on a daily basis, but it is certain that at a minimum they are being paid “in kind” ⎯ they are given food, drink and accommodation and goods looted from houses, businesses or farms. For the most part, militias were and still are armed with iron bars, sjamboks, axes, pangas, electric wires, bicycle chains. Some groups are in possession of one or more guns, but there are few instances of these being used in day-to-day operations. However, there are increasing reports that these groups are now in possession of weapons of war. There were also reports of hit-squads being formed for specific missions and these are generally armed. The size of the militia groups varies, although between 20-30 is an average figure for the core element in each group. During the general election, these core groups were supplemented by others during missions and several hundreds of Zanu (PF) supporters united to sweep through rural areas and carry out beatings. 4 See Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (1999), A Consolidated Report on the Food Riots, 19-23 January 1998, Report compiled by the AMANI Trust on behalf of the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, HARARE: ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM. 5 See CCJP/LRF (1997), Breaking the Silence-Building True Peace: A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and Midlands 1980 to 1988, HARARE: CATHOLIC COMMISSION FOR JUSTICE AND PEACE IN ZIMBABWE & LEGAL RESOURCES FOUNDATION.