17 In the light of the scale of violence that has occurred, it is difficult to see how the parliamentary election could have been free and fair. This was the conclusion of many of the observer missions to the general election, and it is expected that many of the results currently being contested under the Electoral Act will be overturned by the courts. But it is a source of comfort to many civil society organizations that we finally have a significant opposition party in Parliament, and that the political process is now competitive, with the likelihood that this will lead to greater accountability in governance. However, two significant problems remain to be solved before Zimbabwe can reap the advantages of the competitive political process and the recent steps towards fully-fledged democracy: a return to the rule of law and the end of organised violence and torture. These are inter-linked problems, and nothing to do with the land issue. As hopefully can now be seen, the land issue has allowed the government to hide a multiplicity of evils, and it must be a priority to de-link the land from the other issues. This is an area in which the SADC countries have an exceptionally important role to play. That the SADC statesmen can make statements accepting the result of a deeply flawed election, and furthermore support a land policy that is not supported by most Zimbabweans, can only mean that the SADC leaders have not fully appreciated the scale of the human rights violations that took place and continue to take place. Indeed it is clear that few people outside those who have been closely observing the violence have appreciated that Zimbabwe is currently suffering from a State-sponsored low intensity war of a very sophisticated nature. For this reason, we have at pains to point out the role of the militia, the bases, the incitement to violence by the President to his supporters, and the devastating effects on the victims. There are several crucial steps that must be taken to avoid further deterioration in the situation. Firstly, there must be a committed return to the rule of law in which the Executive and the Government accept the rulings of the High Court and the Supreme Court. Secondly, there must be commitment by the Zimbabwe Republic Police to uphold their constitutional duty under the Police Act. Thirdly, any involvement by the army must be strictly controlled, with a strong commitment to the principle of minimum force. Fourthly, there is need for an independent commission of inquiry into the violence of 2000, but probably this commission of inquiry should have terms of reference that allow it to examine all past human rights violations. Here it is crucial that the negative impact of all the past impunity is carefully scrutinised for the effects upon the political and social life of Zimbabwe. Finally, all organizations that have been involved in the violence should be disbanded, and here we could mention the Central Intelligence Organisation, the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association, and the youth wing of Zanu(PF). At the very least these organizations should be the subject of serious public inquiry.