5 amendments to avoid any conflict between the Constitution and the legal implications of its actions. A quick history of the past three decades bears out this argument. Firstly, in 1975 the Rhodesian government passed the notorious Indemnity and Compensation Act, which pardoned all actions committed in the line of duty to the state, and even had the temerity to make the Act retrospective to 1972, to the start of the war, to excuse the human rights violations of earlier years. This frustrated the possibility of the Justice and Peace Commission suing on behalf of any of the survivors of torture. Secondly, in 1980, by accepting that no charge would be brought against any person on any side who had committed a human rights violation, the warring parties created impunity in their efforts to reach peace, and the current government was, and continues to be, applauded by the world for its reconciliation. Thirdly , ZANU-PF provided impunity by reverting to very similar legislation as the illegal regime of Rhodesia by passing yet another act of impunity - the Emergency Powers(Security Forces Indemnity) Regulations.1982 - during the troubles in Matabeleland, and, finally, in 1987, the ZANU-PF government formally created impunity for the many human rights violations with an amnesty for all parties to the Matabeleland emergency: both the ZPRA guerrillas and all Government forces were excused their actions. The cumulative effect of all of this impunity is to silence all comment of any legal kind, and, ultimately, to silence all comment, even the dialogue of the everyday. The controlling of silence Acts of impunity are not enough, however, to maintain silence. There has to be a vigorous campaign to support impunity, which has been the case since Independence in 1980. The ordinary dialogue is distorted by the Government’s control of the media in all its forms, by the interpenetration of all forms of administration by the ZANU-PF party, and by the endless of use of Constitutional amendments and Presidential Powers. The preventing of criticism becomes an additional form of silencing the dialogue of everyday suffering. One effect of this silencing is seen in the apathy shown over the years by voters in general elections: there has been a steady decline in the percentage vote since 1980. In the last election, held in 1995, the ZANU-PF government attained a majority in parliament without a vote being cast, when more than 50% of the seats, most of these rural seats, were returned unopposed. Whether this represents apathy or fear remains a point of issue. However, the dialogue of the everyday in Mount Darwin has had little space in which to flourish. In the intervening years since Independence, the lot of the people of Mount Darwin has continued to be hard. Impoverished by the war and handicapped by a series of devastating droughts, the district is still afflicted in so many ways, all measurable in health terms. HIV, malnutrition, malaria, tuberculosis, and dysentery are all common, and, as we know, these are all related to poverty. Life has improved little, and hardship and hunger have become these peoples’ partners in life. Their current situation can easily be described by reference to the data from both the 1992 Census and the clinical interviews. These survivors have little education, high unemployment, and very few work related skills. They mainly survive on subsistence agriculture, and thus are very susceptible to the vagaries of the weather. Food security and employment are major reported problems and usually the focus of all clinical conversations. This is scarcely surprising. Fewer than 1% have access to piped water. Most (98%) still cook using increasingly scarce firewood, and more than 30% do not have access to a toilet of any kind. Infant mortality is high, and the medical facilities are meagre and increasingly stretched: 2 hospitals and 11 clinics for 200 000 people. These facilities are focused upon curative care mainly, especially with the burden of an HIV epidemic. However, more than 30% of clinic and outpatient clients are those suffering from psychological disorders. One in ten of the total adult morbidity is a victim of organised violence and torture(AMANI.1997). The approach to Rehabilitation Our approach has been to develop a holistic model for rehabilitation, one in which the needs of the entire community are taken into account, and one in which conventional rehabilitation will stand in partnership with community development. There are thus three mains strands to our approach, which can be summarised in the form of an algorithmic process. The steps are not necessarily followed in every case. For example, family therapy would not be offered to a family that did not require it, and nor would families be expected to participate in community programmes if they felt self-sufficient. The description of the model may feel very mechanical or medical to many, but we try to make our own actions as explicit as possible, both to be transparent to the community and in order to share the model more easily with other professionals. The simplicity also makes our actions more easily accountable.