Second, the effectiveness of vetting heavily depends on other transitional justice measures, whether different measures are deliberately designed to relate to one another, and also on how they are sequenced. This is in turn, poses challenges to measure with accuracy and certainty the success of vetting as it hinges on many factors that are irreducibly contingent and contextual. (De Greiff, 2008 527) However, scholars and practitioners have conceded that “vetting may also facilitate the broader sorts of institutional reform measures that are often called for in the after-math of conflict and in transitions to democracy” (De Greiff, 2008 530). For instance, Mayer Rieckh states that in the early stages of transitional justice, vetting enhances the efficiency of transitional justice mechanisms such as prosecutions, truth enquiries among others. In his own words: The point is that the contribution that vetting can make to a transition goes beyond removing obstacles that may lie in the way of putting transitional justice measures in place. Vetting can contribute positively to the operation of institutions that are rarely created de novo or totally and thoroughly transformed. (De Greiff and Mayer Rieckh (eds.) 2007:480) Vetting may also contribute to the creation of a wholly new institutional and national culture. 4.6.7 Reparations In transitional justice reparations often comes last, sometimes years after other mechanisms such as trials, truth commissions and institutional reforms,26 and mainly because “reparations usually come at the end after a long drawn out process of assigning blame and establishing lines of accountability” (Mendez 2012: 1280). In South Africa, the reparations are not yet completed (still regarded as „unfinished business of the TRC), Germany only recently finished paying reparations for the Second World War that ended in 1945, and Japan has only admitted to pay reparations to the so-called comfort women. As was seen in the quantitative analysis, reparations increased in the post-transition period and were markedly more common in Africa in comparison with the other countries in the sample. They were also more common in countries transitioning from civilian as opposed to military rule. Reparations can be classified in four types. Firstly, reparations can take the form of concrete benefits, such as cash payments, social welfare entitlements, or guaranteed access to education and employment. Secondly, reparations can also be more ethereal, including apologies, memorials, and efforts to achieve social, cultural, and institutional reform. Thirdly, beyond form, reparations also can be categorized according to who benefits and who contributes. For example, reparations can be directed either toward specific individuals or a group. Finally, reparations can be classified according to contribute may be selected individuals, groups, or states. It is not possible to generalize the effects of reparations in transitional states because only in exceptional cases reparations can be a feature of pre-transitional states. In the countries 26 Despite the nature that reparations can be designed to be life long e.g compansation for victims with permament disability , but their dispensation can also take longtime after recommendations by the TRC. 33