This problem is now greatly exacerbated by the periods of gross human rights violations since 1980. The number of likely victims since 1980 is in the order of hundreds of thousands. To take one example, if Operation Murambatsvina was to be deemed a gross human rights violation, and those that suffered as a consequence were entitled to reparation, this would mean a likely figure of 1.2 million Zimbabweans (RAU. 2016(d)). This would have enormous economic consequences on its own, but add to this number the tens of thousands of victims from the Gukuranhundi period and all those from the post-2000 period. The state could not possibly expect to be able to provide reparations on the template of individual acknowledgement. Thus, whilst reparations seem straightforward at face value, the reality is that it will be exceedingly complex. Of the three components in reparation under the Joinet Principles, rehabilitation seems to fit easily within the ability of the state to address this, especially as the vast majority of the potential victims will be suffering from psychological disability. There has already been much thought about the issue of rehabilitation (Parsons et al. 2011), and there are already useful, locally-appropriate approaches to healing (Mpande et al. 2013). As for the thornier matters of restitution and compensation, these will need very careful consideration in order to avoid unrealistic expectations, or, worse, to add further hurt to the burdens already carried by the thousands of survivors. 4.7.8 Customary Justice Practices Following the different episodes of violence that have occurred in Zimbabwe, and the absence of formal state-initiated transitional justice mechanisms, communities have resorted to the use of traditional mechanisms for transitional justice purposes. Zimbabwe‟s traditional justice system is made up of traditional courts at the following levels: the family court, presided over by the family head\s; the village court, presided over by village headmen; and the chief‟s court, presided over by the chief. Remedies in traditional court settlements range from apologies to the payment of fines, which can be in the form of money, cattle, goats, sheep and any other acceptable forms of payment (Heal Zimbabwe Trust & Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust. 2016). In addition to the traditional courts, there are also justice mechanisms in the form of traditional rituals meant to deal with crimes committed within communities (Heal Zimbabwe Trust & Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust. 2016) (see box). Traditional ceremonies such as nhimbe/ilima, (community working groups) are used as platforms where victims and the perpetrators come face to face in the presence of the community are performed. There are also variants of traditional practices, such as the Tree of Life, that complement these (Reeler et al. 2009). These community-working groups serve as platforms for truth telling thus bringing closure and finality to cases, some of which would not have been heard in the formal judicial processes. The case of Moses Chokuda who was murdered by ZANU PF supporters was dealt with through ritual methods of assisting the deceased‟s spirit to seek vengeance against his murderers. Dismissed by some as a myth, spirit vengeance under the traditional concept of ngozi manifested when for more than three years the body of Moses practically „refused to be buried‟ and his murderers suffered mysterious ailments and deaths. His family insisted they would only bury him after his murderers had apologized, explained the motive for the murder and compensated his family with cattle and money despite the state‟s intimidation and attempts to bury Moses and refuse to acknowledge the murder. His body was only buried after the arbitration efforts of a local chief and the family‟s acceptance of restitution in the form of 35 cattle and US$ 15 000 cash. Similar processes have been recorded for previous periods of violence (Mupinda.1997). 44