time  since  2000,  the  main  MDC  party  failed  (just)  to  achieve  50%  of  the  vote  in  Bulawayo  at  House   of  Assembly  level.  They  nonetheless  won  all  but  one  constituency,  as  the  ZANU  PF  vote,  while   almost  double  their  2000  vote,  only  represented  25.1%.         Khupe’s  MDC-­‐T  gained  nearly  162,000  votes  in  the  House  of  Assembly  elections,  which  was  3.42%   of  the  vote.  In  the  Matabeleland  provinces,  MDC-­‐T  won  8.6%  of  the  vote  in  Bulawayo,  9.5%  of  the   Matabeleland  North  vote,  and  5.24%  of  the  Matabeleland  South  vote.       In  none  of  the  three  Matabeleland  provinces  did  the  MDC-­‐A  manage  to  gain  50%  of  the  vote  at   House  of  Assembly  level.    Only  in  Bulawayo  did  the  combined  MDC-­‐A/MDC-­‐T  vote  achieve  more   than  50%.  However,  in  both  Matabeleland  North  and  Bulawayo,  the  combined  ‘non-­‐ZANU  PF’  vote   exceeded  50%  comfortably,  with  74.9%  in  Bulawayo  and  60.5%  in  Matabeleland  North.  While  it   might  be  argued  that  not  all  those  voting  against  ZANU  PF  could  have  been  persuaded  into  a   broader  MDC  Alliance,  this  should  also  be  set  against  the  provincial  voting  pattern  for  Chamisa,   who  consistently  won  more  votes  than  the  MDC-­‐A,  not  just  in  Matabeleland,  but  nationally.    The   votes  do  show  convincingly  that  in  Matabeleland  North,  the  majority  of  voters  did  not  want  to  be   represented  by  ZANU  PF  (graph  3).                 Behold  the  New!  Young  candidates  stood  across  the  board  in  2018       20