Zimbabwe – Ready for Elections? 3 Constitutional Court of Zimbabwe in the case of Mawarire v President of Zimbabwe and Others,8 the President swiftly moved to bypass both SADC and the national Parliament and used his long-disputed presidential powers to amend the Electoral Act and unilaterally set an election date of 31 July 2013, purportedly in compliance with the order of the Constitutional Court.9 In this manner, key media, legislative and institutional reforms were bypassed by a presidential candidate interested in the outcome of a national poll. Security sector reform, openly opposed by the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, the Zimbabwe Republic Police,10 and even the Central Intelligence Organisation11 also remain outstanding. During an Extraordinary Summit held in Maputo, Mozambique, on 15 June 2013, SADC Heads of State and Government recommended that the President return to court to seek a postponement of the elections to allow for outstanding reforms to be implemented. ZANU PF received the outcome of the Maputo Summit with open hostility and subsequent defiance. The party and its representatives in government have, since then, operated unilaterally and have essentially abandoned the GPA and its outstanding requirements. Rhetoric has become the order of the day, with threats to pull out of the regional body,12 and insults and hate speech directed against any institution and person expressing concerns around the unfolding processes and current operating environment. One stark example was the attack on Ambassador Lindiwe Zulu, President Zuma’s advisor on international relations, for comments about the state of Zimbabwe’s preparedness for elections. She was labeled “an ordinary, stupid and idiotic street woman”,13 and President Zuma has also been reminded that he is the facilitator and he cannot delegate his responsibilities.14 Incontrovertible facts indicate that the political instability of the past decade or more has forced a mass exodus of Zimbabweans into neighbouring countries, with South Africa and Botswana receiving the largest numbers. The absence of sustained peace and stability in Zimbabwe will continue to contribute to regional instability and regression, something which affects SADC and its efforts towards regional integration, growth, peace and development. Whilst the time and effort invested by SADC in seeking to resolve the impasse in Zimbabwe is commendable, there is need to see the political manipulation for what it is, and take firm and uncompromising action if it is to ensure that the overall objective of the GPA (to achieve a credible, free and fair election in 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Constitutional Court of Zimbabwe, unreported case CCZ1/13. Before this decision there was considerable speculation about when elections would be held, from as far back as 2012. See E Mashava“Poll talk a mere hoax” Daily News (10 January 2012) p1. See “ZDF won’t entertain security sector reform” The Herald (12 November 2011)p 2; M Kashumba “Security Sector reforms a foreign agenda, says Chihuri” The Herald (1 December 2011) p 2; T Farawo “I have no time for sellouts: Chiwengwa” The Sunday Mail (5 May 2013) p 1; V Langa et al “Furore over security sector reforms” Newsday(6 April 2013) p 3. L Gumbo “Sekeramayi dismisses security sector reform” The Herald (22 April 2013). See X Ncube “I’ll pull out – Mugabe” Daily News (21 July 2013) p 1. See T Maodza “President raps Lindiwe Zulu” The Herald (6 July 2013) p 1; D Sibanda et al “Mugabe threatens SADC pull out labels Zulu ‘street woman’” Newsday (6 July 2013) p 1; M Mataboge “Rift between ZANU PF and SA deepens” Mail and Guardian (12 July 2013) p 8. See T Kamhungira “Mugabe Attacks Zuma” Daily News (21 July 2013) p 2.