The reprisals have not been limited to arson attacks only but they have also manifested through
intimidation and harassment. Suspected opposition supporters have been dressed down during
village meetings and unspecified action threatened against them. Within the ruling party, there is
also a witch hunt against those suspected of having sabotaged President Emmerson Mnangagwa by
engaging in ‘bhora musango’ (kick the ball in the woods). The ruling party is trying to calibrate itself
under the leadership of President Mnangagwa but arrests against perceived G40 sympathisers and
corruption investigations against them further escalated discontent against those that believe are
being targeted.
Partisan food aid distribution was exposed when defeated Zanu PF councillor in Chakohwa
continued to access grain from the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) and distributes it in a partisan
manner. Another defeated Zanu PF councillor in Mhondoro prevented the distribution of farming
inputs and food aid in a bid to spite the people who had not voted for him. The partisan access to
state resources is also rampant in the newly opened Women’s Bank where there have been reports
that some women who wanted to apply for funds were asked to first join Zanu PF and provide proof
of membership.
Infighting has been reported in the opposition MDC Alliance over mayoral positions in the urban
areas that the party resoundingly won. There have been reports of imposition of candidates as
mayors in several urban councils. In Chitungwiza, the disagreements led to party members
threatening violence against each other. Same scenarios have also been reported in Zanu PF circles.
School children have been sent back home and missed study time for non-payment of school fees
while in Harare, lives were lost in the cholera pandemic and thousand others hospitalised, signifying
worsening socio-economic conditions.
Commission of Inquiry
The Commission of Inquiry appointed to investigate the military August 1 killings was sworn in and
has begun its work. It is not clear whether the operations of the commission are public and whether
the general public has access to the deliberations of the Commission. There is also uncertainty to
what extent the identities of the victims and those whistle blowing will be protected. The
Commission has not clarified whether sources of information will be protected, particularly those
who may want to whistle blow from the inside. There has not been an information campaign on
state media to inform the public about the operations of this Commission and where they must take
any submissions that they may have. The lone advert in The Herald of September 22, 2018 does not
publicise the Commission enough. Some victims say they are not free to testify without guarantees
of their safety after the Commission publicizes their findings. This is relevant in the context of
reprisals against opposition activists that have been dismissed by state media and in some cases law
enforcement agents. ZPP is also concerned that it seems from the Terms of Reference for the
Commission the August 1 killings of 7 civilians on the streets of Harare is an isolated case. Hardly,
authorities should note that while the run up to the elections was relatively peaceful there were still
cases of concern and issues of retribution against the opposition and those working against the grain
continue well after the elections.
Selected cases of traditional leaders involved in partisan politics and reprisals
Case
In Mash East, Mutoko East, Ward 15 councillor
Chimhore and several headmen held a meeting
and wrote down names of those who acted as
Implications on rights
Councillors whose role is that of community
development have been caught in the web of
partisan politics by teaming up with traditional
3