The new forms in which ZANU PF and its state organs have penetrated these new social relations have affected the forms of ZANU PF dominance in these areas. Different forms of governmentality have developed in the resettled areas, characterised by what Murisa calls the ‘fusion of traditional and modern institutions, which bring together customary and popular political functionaries to serve on the same platforms.’ Through these structures Zanu PF has channeled various rural programmes and forms of patronage appealing to various popular demands around irrigation, farm inputs, marketing of products, education and electrification in the rural areas, even as it formally signed up to the more neo‐liberal economic programmes agreed upon by the Inclusive Government.41 However Murisa also warns that the increasing move towards re‐instituting traditional authorities resembles the colonial state practices of imposed traditional structures.42 This is a reminder, as Partha Chatterjee warns, that ‘while many of the techniques of power adopted by the post‐colonial state were the same techniques deployed in the colonial period, the ideological ground of justification was now anti‐imperialist.’43 This description clearly resonates in the Zimbabwe context. The development of ZANU PF’s social base was also visible in the rapid growth of the informal mining sector. In the 1990’s this sector was in its incipient form and was not an area that Zanu PF actively cultivated. As Yeros noted, gold panners in this period lacked access to channels of political representation and were largely ‘unorganised and unrepresented.’44 However by the 2000’s this sector grew rapidly within the context of the fast growing by mining sector, whose contribution to the GDP grew from 3.2% in 2008, to 9.5 % in 2010 reaching 13% by 2012, with the mineral sector accounting for 73% of the country’s total exports.45 This growth led Mawowa to conclude that the government’s policy emphasis on the centrality of the peasantry and subsistence farming in the rural areas, may have masked the reality of the dominance of the mining sector, in which small scale mining, largely carried out (71%) by young men under 35, accounted for 40% of total output.46                                                              41 Zanu PF member Dr.Sikanyiso Ndlovu named the kind of projects that Zanu PF were engaged in during the period of the Inclusive Government in ‘Ibbo Mandaza’s rigging allegations insane,’ The Herald, 8 August 2013. 42 T.Murisa, ‘Social Organisation in the Aftermath of Fast Track: An Analysis of Emerging Forms of Local Authority, Platforms of Mobilisation and Local Cooperation,’ in S.Moyo and W.Chambati, Land and Agrarian Reform: Beyond White Settler Capitalism, African Institute for Agrarian Studies, Harare and CODESRIA, Dakar, 2013, p283. 43 Partha Chatterjee, ‘Empire as a practice of power: empire as ideology and as technique.’ www.humanityjournal.org/blog/2012/08/empire‐practice‐power‐ideology‐an..... Accessed on 10/01/2012. 44 P.Yeros, ‘The Political Economy of Civilisation: Peasant‐Workers in Zimbabwe and the Neo‐colonial World.’ PhD Thesis, London School of Economics, University of London, 2002. 45 S.Mawowa, ‘The Political Economy of Crisis, Mining and Accumulation in Zimbabwe.’ PhD Thesis, University of Kwazulu Natal, 2013, p,76. 46 Mawowa, p150.   17