3
1.
INTRODUCTION
Zimbabwe is experiencing a massive humanitarian crisis. The past two years have seen a
record of deteriorating human rights, and the consequent social turmoil has led to an
increasing number of internally displaced people in the country. Violence against the major
opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), has been well documented
both locally and internationally1. In the pre-election period, there was widespread intimidation,
assault, and politically motivated killings, carried out mainly by “war veteran” militia, youth
militia, and supporters of the ruling party, Zanu(PF) 2. While some of the “war veterans” are
indeed genuine members of the liberation struggle of the 1970’s in Zimbabwe, there are also
a larger group of unemployed youths who have become involved in the organised violence
and torture (OVT). Although much of the OVT has centred around issues related to the many
elections held over the past two years, there have been equally as much OVT during the land
disturbances. A large number of allegations have been made about OVT targeted at both the
farm owners and the farm workers3. As indicated above, there are a plethora of reports on the
OVT, but little of this deals with the direct evidence from the commercial farms. In particular,
there are few scientific reports on the experiences of OVT and the effects upon commercial
farm workers.
The months following the Presidential Elections of 9 – 11 March 2001 have been marked by
widespread recriminations against the opposition party members, and intensified action
against the farm owners and farm workers. The continuing violence has meant that farm
workers and MDC supporters have been forced to flee their homes to escape harassment,
assault, and, in the worst cases, death. Farm workers often have no other home except on
the farm, having either being born there, or being of foreign descent, mainly Malawian or
Zambian. The farms, as well as providing accommodation and employment for these people,
also allowed the farm workers access to medical care and schooling for their children.
On the farms listed for acquisition and settled by the “war veterans”, the farm workers have
been subjected to continual intimidation, theft of personal belongings, vandalism, and
destruction of their homes. Before the elections, they were forced to attend all night rallies for
‘voter education’ by Zanu(PF) supporters, and after the elections they were punished with
violence for continuing to live and work on the farms, which was seen as supporting the MDC
and the white farmers. The farm workers either then leave rather than live side by side with
their new neighbours, or are forced to leave by violence, in some instances with only the
clothes on their backs. The police and the army, far from trying to protect the rights of the
farm workers are often part of the problem, standing to the side when violence erupts on the
farm, and continuing to harass the displaced farm workers, once they have left for the urban
centres and refuge. There are even instances of senior police officers and army generals
acquiring farms themselves and depriving the farm workers of their homes and employment.
As mentioned above, there has been a relative dearth of hard information on the effects of the
farm invasions on commercial farm workers. The AMANI Trust has seen relatively few
1
See AMANI TRUST (2002), Organised Violence and Torture in the June 2000 General Election in Zimbabwe,
HARARE: AMANI TRUST; AMANI TRUST (2002), Neither Free nor Fair: High Court decisions on the petitions on the
June 2000 General Election, HARARE: AMANI TRUST; Analysis of Zimbabwe Presidential Election, March 9 th, 10th,
and 11th 2002, in Terms of SADC Parliamentary Forum Electoral Recommendations, First Edition: 14 March 2002,
AMANI TRUST (MATABELELAND), ZIMBABWE; NETWORK OF INDEPENDENT MONITORS, (KWAZULU
NATAL) SOUTH AFRICA; PHYSICIANS FOR HUMAN RIGHTS (DENMARK); AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL (2000),
Zimbabwe: Terror tactics in the run-up to the parliamentary elections, June 2000, LONDON: AMNESTY
INTERNATIONAL; IRCT (2000), Organised Violence and Torture in Zimbabwe, Harare and Copenhagen, 6 th June
2000, COPENHAGEN: IRCT; IRCT/RCT (2001), Organised election violence in Zimbabwe 2001, COPENHAGEN:
IRCT & RCT; IRCT (2001), Organised Violence and Torture in Zimbabwe, Harare and Copenhagen, 24 May 2001,
COPENHAGEN: IRCT.
2
See AMANI TRUST (2002), The Presidential Election and the Post-Election Period in Zimbabwe, HARARE: AMANI
TRUST.
3
See Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (2001), Politically motivated violence in Zimbabwe 2000–2001. A report
on the campaign of political repression conducted by the Zimbabwean Government under the guise of carrying out
land reform, HARARE: ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM; Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (2001),
Evaluating the Abuja Agreement, HARARE: ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM; Zimbabwe Human Rights
NGO Forum (2001), Evaluating the Abuja Agreement: Two Months Report, HARARE: ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS
NGO FORUM.
AMANI TRUST: Preliminary Report of a Survey on Internally Displaced Persons from Commercial Farms in
Zimbabwe.