While Zimbabwe entered independence in 1980 with promises for peace and prosperity,
enlightened by President Mugabe’s policy of reconciliation, several underlying and unresolved
issues became the root causes of future conflicts and, arguably, laid the grounds for the
circumstances which allowed for a disastrous clean-up operation to take place. Among such
causes one could list the failure to meaningfully address the land question and governance
problems.
Since independence in 1980, Zimbabwe has been governed by ZANU-PF. Zimbabwean
nationalism was forged in opposition to colonialism, and socialism became the basis of party
ideology (though not necessarily of the economy) in the years following independence. The
ruling party attempted, but failed, to introduce a one-party political system in the late 1980s.
However, it maintained a highly centralised style of governance in which dissent and political
opposition were hardly tolerated. The historical relationship of ZANU-PF and the minority party
Patriotic Front-Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU-PF) during the liberation struggle and
the subsequent civil war formed the basis of the ZANU-PF’s policy and attitude towards political
opposition14.
While the Government successfully provided social services such as education, health care,
higher wages and better working conditions to the black majority during the early years of
independence, underlying socio-political and economic problems were left unresolved that would
eventually produce a national crisis. Of these, the land question was the most profound, as the
liberation war was fought over land and the promise to return it to the indigenous African
population. Historical inequity was embedded in the constitutional settlement (the ‘Lancaster
House Constitution’) that preserved the colonial settler pattern of white ownership of most of the
fertile land and, despite legislation in 1992 to address the inequities, the process of redistributing
land remained slow and did not produce equitable results for the majority population. Some of the
reasons for this failure included ineffectiveness of the willing-seller willing-buyer policy
stipulated in the ‘Lancaster House Constitution’, as well as non-availability of funding.
With respect to the funding issue, some in the Zimbawe political elite and intelligentsia, as well
as others of similar persuasion around the continent, believe that the international community is
concerned more with “regime change” and that there is no real and genuine concern for the
welfare of ordinary people. They cite the fact that, following independence, many donors who
pledged resources for the reconstruction of the country at the Zimbabwe Conference on
Reconstruction and Development (ZIMCORD) held in 1981 did not honour their pledges. To the
minds of many Zimbabweans, the international community did this because the ‘wrong party’ had
won the elections at independence. Over the years, when Zimbabwe appealed for funds to buy
land from white farmers, on a willing-seller willing-buyer basis, the international community is
considered to have turned a deaf ear. Even when it was apparent that the African communal areas
(former tribal trust lands) were congested and no longer able to sustain the increasing population.
Western countries did not provide the necessary funds, even where these had been promised, as in
the case of UK.15
Subsequently, a draft constitution that finally proposed compulsory acquisition of land without
compensation, was rejected in a referendum in 2000. Spontaneous commercial farm invasions by
peasants had started in February 1998, followed by violent invasions in some parts of the country.
14
Shortly after independence, Zimbabwe entered into a protracted civil war (1982 and 1987) including a
brutal military campaign in Matebeleland, Gukurahundi, which claimed the lives of some 20,000 people.
The repression was mainly against the minority Ndebele population which also became a strong basis for
the opposition Patriotic Front of the Zimbabwe African Patriotic Union (PF-ZAPU). A unity accord was
signed between ZANU-PF and ZAPU in 1987, cementing the basis of a strong dominant party system.
15
Confidential submission by a Professor from the University of Zimbabwe.
15
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