52 However, these views are unduly pessimistic, and perhaps an artefact of the methodology of surveys, as it is clear from the studies reported above that certainly Zimbabwean youth and victims are not so pessimistic, not anti-democratic, and even clear about what needs to be done. We reach different conclusions using different methodology; not entirely different conclusions, but different nonetheless. On the youth It is evident that these Zimbabwean youths not only have strong views about their democracy, but also have strong views about the problems and the possible solutions. Whilst it cannot be claimed that this sample is representative of all Zimbabwean youth, their views are nonetheless interesting, and generally in accord with the findings of the Afrobarometer studies. Whilst it is unwise to generalise from such a small study, and, it is difficult to argue which views characterise the youth of Zimbabwe – those inducted into the youth militia or these unemployed township youth – it seems evident that the polarisation in the wider society can be found in the youth. However, the “democrats”, and those unsatisfied with current political, social and economic life, were in the majority amongst this sample, and there may be considerable merit in a wider polling of the attitudes of the youth. The importance of the youth for Zimbabwe’s future is undeniable, but clearly youth issues now represent a contested space. For example, there have been recent articles in the State-controlled press discussing how the future of Zimbabwe rests on the youth, and what can be done100. The revitalisation of the National Youth Council (NYC) is regarded as one way of ensuring that this happens. The NYC has been tasked to ensure that “unity in the youth movement brings about a cohesiveness in direction and therefore a stronger bargaining position when it comes to lobbying for the needs of the young people. It is seen to be best positioned to bridge all divisions and provide a progressive direction to the country’s youth”. This Council however is a government creation and it will probably stand by the party line in common with so many other government and quasi-government bodies: the political space is scarcely neutral any more in Zimbabwe, and the youth are a constituency that both the major political parties see as crucial to their success. It is unlikely therefore that the NYC will benefit those viewed as dissidents, even if they hold such openly democratic views as the youth described here. It is more likely that Zanu PF will continue the process of ideologically transforming the youth as indicated in another recent article101. Here the writer envisages ways that Zanu PF could bring the youth back into the party: There is a need to revolutionise campaign strategies to make them more appealing to the complex mentality of the youth. …Zanu PF youth league must get more ‘practical’ in their campaigns, play contact politics, touch the youth in their sacred hideouts…Zanu PF lost an opportunity…by neglecting to spread its revolutionary principles more vigorously. Zanu PF needs to formulate university/college student movements that are indirectly affiliated to party in both policy and administration when it comes to SRC elections. These elections should be contested using Zanu PF regalia, expounding Zanu PF policies and ideology. Linkages between the institutions of higher learning and the youth league will breed politically active and conscious youth that will defend the hard won independence and sovereignty of this country. This article was targeted at the city youth whom the writer refers to as the “dot.com” youth, who do not identify with the liberation struggle and are indifferent to party policies. Therefore “their experience is a confused fusion of the invisible, the tangible and the fantasies”. 100 101 The Herald 29 July 2004. An article entitled “Zim’s future lies in youths” by Donald T. Charumbira. The Herald 12 July 2004, “Time to reorient youth” by Boyd Madikila. IDASA: Zimbabwe at the Cross-Roads: Views of Zimbabwean citizens on democracy and transitional justice.