Executive Summary
Afrobarometer surveys on Zimbabwe frequently run into criticism about both the
methodology and the findings. This was the case with the public release of the Round 7
(2017) survey results. A particular bone of contention was what to make of apparently
contradictory findings. For example, participants were confused by the findings that a
majority of Zimbabweans both trust and fear the President, Robert Mugabe. This confusion
was driven apparently by a failure to appreciate the limitations of quantitative research.
The methodological confusion was answered by the Afrobarometer itself (Howard & Logan.
2017), but another issue emerged from the criticism. This was more interesting, and we
hypothesized that this might derive from the actual knowledge base of the critics. It raised the
question about whether the critics were as informed about the views and opinions of the
Zimbabwean polity as they claimed. It led us to speculate that the critics were an “elite”, and,
as such, more detached from the reality of public opinion than they knew. There was some
basis for this hypothesis derived from an earlier study that suggested the middle class was
composed of “disconnected democrats” (RAU. 2015).
Accordingly, we derived a test of this hypothesis by constructing a measure of “elitism”. We
used this measure to test political agency in a comparative fashion: we compared the opinions
and expressed behaviours of “elites” and “non-elites”. We looked at seven indices of political
agency:
Voice – the ability to express one’s views in public around political issues:
feeling free to express one’s views and criticise officials;
Community Participation – the ability to participate in public activities:
belonging to organisations and participating in community activities;
Political Participation – the ability to participate in political activities, with
elections as the chosen vector: discussing politics, voting, and participating
in electoral events;
Activism – active contact with duty bearers such as MPs, local government
officials, government officials, etc.
Political Trust – trust in public officials and bodies, such as the president,
parliament, ZEC, the police, etc.
Support for democracy – preferring democracy and being satisfied with
Zimbabwe’s democracy;
Political party affiliation – expressed support for a political party.
Given our overall research question - are the views of the elite grounded in their experience
of engagement in the general political life of Zimbabwe – we examined five sub-hypotheses
as follows:
Voice – Elites should have higher scores on voice;
Community participation – Elites should have higher scores on community
participation;
Political participation – Elites should have higher scores on political
participation;
Activism – Elites should have higher score on activism;
Support for democracy – Elites should have higher scores on support for
democracy;
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