Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Special Report Gender and Constitutional Issues one woman, Mrs. Edna Madzongwe. (Her Chegutu constituency had been abolished by the Delimitation Commission.) She was re-elected Deputy Speaker. Four women were appointed as ministers or deputy ministers, but only one to a portfolio post. Joyce Mujuru retained her Ministry of Rural Resources and Water Development. Flora Bhuka and Olivia Muchena were appointed non-portfolio Ministers of State in the Offices of Vice-Presidents Muzenda and Msika respectively. Shuvai Mahofa became a deputy minister. Oppah Muchinguri (who lost the Mutare North constituency) became Zimbabwe's first female Provincial Governor, of Manicaland. In local government, Zimbabwe now has one (suspended) woman mayor. Catherine Gumpo was elected by Kariba ratepayers in 2000. In 1999, 38 women were among 1 377 Rural District Councillors, and four women plus 260 men were installed as chiefs. 23 Updates on these figures were not available. Complaints were levelled against all parties regarding their tiny proportions of female candidates for the June 2000 parliamentary elections. Not a single woman contested 77 of the 120 seats (64,2%), while in five the two major parties both fielded female candidates. In two of these five, there were additional women seeking election. It would seem that the majority of constituencies are 'no-go' areas for women, while a few may be 'female-friendly'. Of 57 women candidates in total, 13 (22,8%) were elected, compared to 107 of 416 (25,7%) men. Zanu-PF nominated 21 women (17,5%), the same as the number of its own outgoing women MPs. Eight stood in Harare and Bulawayo constituencies. Along with Zanu-PF's male candidates in these cities, they were whitewashed. Only six of Zanu-PF’s 21 female candidates (28,6%) were returned, all in rural constituencies. The MDC eventually mustered only 11 candidates, 9,2% of its total. However, seven (63,6%) were elected, four in wholly-urban constituencies. The smaller parties, which were almost completely removed from Zimbabwe's political map, nominated 21 women (15%). Interestingly, and perhaps signalling a new view of politics by women, four women stood as Independents aligned to no party. Within the two major parties, only one-fifth of the MDC's first elected executive were women despite its goal of one-third. They included three female trade unionists. Three women were appointed, two to mainstream portfolios, in the MDC 'shadow cabinet': Pauline Gwanyanya (Employment), Hilda Mafudze (Environment and Tourism), and Evelyn Masaiti (Gender, Youth and Culture). Many women disagreed with the MDC's proposed Gender Forum, preferring to incorporate women into mainstream structures rather than ghettoise them in a potential clone of Zanu-PF's Women's League. In December 2000, Zanu-PF enlarged its Central Committee to include an extra 50 members of its Women’s League, five from each province. However, real power remains with the Politburo, now expanded to 30 members personally chosen by the State President and Zanu-PF Secretary-General, Robert Mugabe. The current Politburo remains an almost exclusively male preserve. It is clear, from the information presented here, that Zimbabwean women have a long way to go in achieving recognition of their human rights and equitable decision-making in social and political institutions. A new Constitution, recognising and entrenching gendered human rights, would be a great help in achieving gender equality in our economy, polity, and society. 23 The Herald 21 January; Sunday Mail 7 February 1999. 18