only a small number of the respondents, it can be concluded generally that most women did not experience anything untoward. There was a much bigger effect for registration than for voting, however, and large percentages of urban women reported problems with registering as voters. For example, there was only a 2% drop in the number of rural women that were registered before 2013 and not in 2013, whilst the drop for urban women was much greater, 13%. Additionally, there was a significant difference in who was registered before 2013, 12% in favour of rural women. These two findings corroborate the findings elsewhere that there seemed to be bias towards making it easier for rural dwellers to register in 2013. Elsewhere, the problems that women have when obtaining official documents has been noted18. There was also a range of other findings where the two groups showed other differences. Rural women were generally happier with support for women candidates, but there were differences in the two groups in why there were so few women politicians. Here there was the slightly paradoxical finding that rural women stated that women were adequately represented in government, but an equally large percentage stated that culture was an inhibitory factor: urban women saw this more as a matter of poor solidarity with women. The two groups were also different in whether they saw older women supporting younger women: rural women said yes, whilst urban women said no. Finally, there was a much stronger effect by SiMuka on rural as opposed to urban women, and the two groups reported that this influence came about in different ways: through radio and TV for urban women, and through word of mouth for rural women, neither of which finding is surprising. Thus, as a general conclusion these findings are strongly supportive of the findings of all other reports on the elections, and show consistent differences between rural and urban women. It is probably not surprising that women are no different to men overall, for, in the end a vote is a vote irrespective of gender. Thus, if there are to be attempts to discourage citizens from registering and voting, this is unlikely to be gender-specific, and, if there is an attempt to strengthen areas of dominance for a political party, this too is unlikely to be genderspecific. Future recommendations     18 Engage with Zimbabwe Electoral Commission on ensuring that voter registration and voting meets minimal gender considerations particularly for the urban electorate; Intensify advocacy campaigns using what works, i.e. woman to woman and workshops; Empower female candidates to participate from all political parties so that the female electorate has a pool of female candidates to choose from in supporting other women and is not confined to having just one female candidate from one party; Encourage urban electorate to support female candidates at local government level and rural for national assembly seats. See Dube R, (2012) Identity, Citizenship and the Registrar General: The Politicking of Identity in Zimbabwe. July 2012. HARARE. RESEARCH AND ADVOCACY UNIT. Page 15