veterans were promised ownership of 20% of the land taken over by the state in the period 20002002.31 The war veterans had become an important (but disgruntled) interest group and became key players in this campaign, mobilised by ZANU-PF as ‘political shock troops’ on a large scale. The systematic use of intimidation and violence against opposition candidates and supporters became the modus operandi, particularly in commercial farming and communal areas, effectively sealing those areas off from opposition access.32 Thus, the MDC emerged, against this background, as a formidable challenge to the ruling party. Although ZANU-PF eventually won the 2000 parliamentary elections, the process was criticised by international observers and many did not consider the elections free or fair. This period also saw increasing unemployment and urban violence, as well as an influx into towns of former employees of recently dispossessed white farmers, all of which became manifest in widespread disenchantment with the Government. Towns and cities emerged as strongholds of opposition to the ruling party and have since been viewed with suspicion by the government. The presidential elections held two years later further polarised Zimbabwean society as well as the international community. While Western Governements considered the elections not free and fair, the African Union and SADC, considered them as representative of the will of the people. The recent legislative elections of 2005 thus followed years of increased polarisation, politically related violence and mistrust of the ruling authorities. Though election day on 31 March 2005 marked a relative calm and violence free environment, a sense of fear and distrust had prevailed over the entire population. The elections did not resolve the underlying tensions between ZANUPF and MDC. The 2000 and 2002 elections and the fast-track land reform programme triggered the deterioration of relations with the international donor community and the start of isolation of Zimbabwe from the wider international community. It also prompted the imposition of targeted sanctions by the European Union, the US and several Commonwealth countries. On the regional front, the Commonwealth suspended Zimbabwe’s membership in 2002 and Zimbabwe formally withdrew from the organization after a divided meeting of Heads of Government in Abuja decided to extend the suspension for another year in 2003. That year, Zimbabwe’s membership rights in the IMF were also suspended. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has also shown some division on Zimbabwe, though the majority continue to openly support President Mugabe. While the African Union (AU) has not 31 “Between Authoritarianism and Democracy: Politics in Zimbabwe since 1990” Lloyd M. Sachikonye (in Unfinished Business, The Land Crisis in Southern Africa, ed. Margaret C. Lee and Caren Colvard, Africa Institute of South Africa, 2003) 32 “Order out of Chaos, or Chaos out of Order? A Preliminary Report on Operation “Murambatsvina”, Report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum 35 At the time the fact-finding mission was in the country, the Chairperson of the AU Commission designated the Special Rapporteur Responsible for Refugees, Asylum Seekers and Internally Displaced Persons in Africa, to carry out a fact-finding mission in Zimbabwe from 30 June to 4 July 2005. The AU Summit held soon after in Libya, however, did not discuss Zimbabwe at any open forum. Subsequently, the AU Envoy, Tom Nyanduga, a Tanzanian lawyer and diplomat, could not undertake his mission and was courteously asked to leave. It was later explained that he had arrived without clear blessing from the President of the African Union 19