Human Rights Archive Zimbabwe

The Commission issued its preliminary election monitoring report on the 2nd of August 2018 covering the period up to 31 July 2018. This statement is therefore a summary of findings on the election related human rights situation by the ZHRC in the period from 1 August to 6 August 2018.

On the 14th September the President published a proclamation (No 6 of 2018) establishing the Commission [The proclamation can be viewed on the Veritas website – link] and the seven Commissioners were sworn in on the 19th September.

In this Constitution Watch we shall look at the degree of force that may be used to maintain law and order, and at the circumstances in which military personnel may be called upon to assist the police for that purpose.

STATEMENT BY THE HONOURABLE TETE ANTONIO, SECRETARY OF STATE OF THE MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL RELATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF ANGOLA AND HEAD OF THE SADC ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION (SEOM) TO THE 2018 HARMONISED ELECTIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF ZIMBABWE.

Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections were the first to be observed by the Commonwealth in 16 years. The Commonwealth last observed Zimbabwe’s 2002 Presidential Election. As such, this observation mission provided a unique opportunity to accompany Zimbabwe on a critical leg of its democratic journey.

The International Republican Institute (IRI) and the National Democratic Institute (NDI) organized the Zimbabwe International Election Observation Mission (ZIEOM) for the 2018 Zimbabwe presidential, parliamentary, and local government elections (referred to locally as “harmonized” elections).

The data collected reported six hundred and eighty eight human rights violations, which have been incorporated into the Shutdown Atrocities Report of the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (of which ZPP is member).

On 20 November 2019, supporters of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change Alliance (MDC-A) gathered at the party headquarters in Harare for the Hope of the Nation Address which was scheduled to be addressed by the party President Nelson Chamisa. The hostile response by the police who indiscriminately beat the crowd with baton sticks, with booted feet and fired tear gas in the busy Central Business District resulted in many citizens involved in their daily business being injured or bundled into police vehicles.

In the period leading up to elections violence, threats and intimidation were used extensively to coerce voters. Politicians of the ruling party and their supporters made statements indicating that the ballot would not be secret and that reprisals would be taken if people voted in certain ways.

This report considers the actual period of voting and the first one hundred days thereafter.

As Zimbabwe moves towards the holding of a general election, which, according to President Mugabe, will be held in May 2000, the political situation has become increasingly troubled and violent. There have been violent clashes between supporters of the ruling party, ZANU (PF) and the main political opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

This report is a follow-up to “Who is Responsible?: A preliminary analysis of pre-election violence in Zimbabwe”, which was released in June 2000 by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum. It sought to catalog emerging allegations of gross human rights violations committed during the run-up period to the June 2000 Parliamentary Elections and aimed to establish certain facts about the nature of political violence during that time.

This document, and the factual assertions herein, is based on reports of the ensuing violence received from civic organisations and those published in the press.

The aim of this report is to provide succinct coverage of the election that brought the GPA to a close and also provide some pointers to the future of Zimbabwean politics.

The analysis in this Report is based on the data contained in the Monthly Violence Reports of the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum. Since July 2001, the Forum has been reporting monthly totals of cases of organised violence and torture.

The mission observed that the degree of human rights violations in the country follows a recurring pattern that usually culminates during electoral periods. The country was facing a political deadlock where the leading parties, especially ZANU-PF, were unlikely to reach any agreement likely to improve the political environment, since the MDC considered the implementation of the reforms foreseen by the GPA as a pre-condition for the organisation of elections, while ZANU-PF called for elections as a means to put an end to the prevailing deadlock.

THIS REPORT COVERS ALL THE REPORTS RECEIVED BY THE NCA DURING THE PRE ELECTION PERIOD (FEBRUARY AND MARCH 2005), THESE BEING FROM ALL PROVINCES EXCEPT MANICALAND COVERING 105 CONSTITUENCIES. A TOTAL OF 383 REPORTS WERE SUBMITTED, WITH AN AVERAGE OF 3 REPORTS PER CONSTITUENCY.

This report covers all the reports received by the NCA for February 2005, coming from 8 Provinces, and 56 Constituencies. It summarises the position that pertained during the last 2 weeks of February. Unfortunately, no data had been submitted from either Manicaland or Mashonaland West by the time of writing, but it is submitted that the data nonetheless do give a good overview of the national picture in February 2005.

In Zimbabwe, in the past five years, elections have been elevated to the only constitutive principle for determining legitimacy, aided considerably by the position of the African nations, and South Africa in particular.

On March 29, 2008, Zimbabweans will participate in presidential, parliamentary, senatorial, and local government elections synchronized for the first time, following changes to Zimbabwe’s constitution in September 2007. As the elections near, all indications are that once again the people of Zimbabwe will not be able to freely exercise their civil and political rights and vote for the candidates of their choice.

This report assesses the legislative and electoral reforms undertaken by the unity government and analyzes the quality of those reforms and their capacity to create an environment conducive to credible, free and fair elections. Human Rights Watch has found that the contending parties have focused on only one aspect of reforms—securing agreement on the necessary legal and administrative requirements for free and fair elections.

Human Rights Watch calls on SADC member states to urge the government of Zimbabwe to ensure that in the days remaining before the election, efforts are made to guarantee that all candidates are able to campaign freely and openly throughout Zimbabwe, that all candidates have access to the media, that journalists and observers are allowed to observe the election process in all areas of the country, and that voters are allowed to choose a candidate and vote in an environment free of intimidation.

This report, based on investigations in Zimbabwe, describes the scale of the abuses and identifies those responsible—officials from ZANU-PF, often working through proxy forces of so-called war veterans and youth militia, backed by members of the armed forces and police. Local institutions have identified at least 2,000 beatings and cases of torture.

Violence and other forms of violations are expected to be less in Chimanimani West comparatively to the 2008 and 2013 cases. However, it is worrying that unorthodox covert means can be used by the ruling party in a bid to win the elections while in the process violating the people’s right to vote peacefully.

Amnesty International has concluded from its inquiries that there is evidence that the Government of Zimbabwe is either instigating or acquiescing in serious violations of human rights including extrajudicial executions, torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

This present monograph concentrates upon the human rights violations that took place during the bye-elections that took place in 2000 and 2001. None of these bye-elections came about as a result of the election petitions, as all those cases decided were immediately appealed and are still pending in the Supreme Court. All the bye-elections took place due to the death of the incumbent. Zanu(PF) won all these elections, amidst continued allegations of gross human rights violations and electoral irregularities.

This monograph focuses on the electoral irregularities, including gross human rights abuses, during the period preceding the June 2000 Parliamentary elections. This election marked the first time a strong opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), had challenged the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (Zanu (PF)) in the political arena.

State organized violence increased following the rejection of the Government sponsored constitution in the referendum at the beginning 2000. The violence was initially sporadic and confined to one or two areas at a time but as the 2000 parliamentary elections approached, it became more intense and widespread. The state trained and deployed more people in an effort to control perceived supporters of the newly formed opposition.

The political context of Zimbabwe and a report on Biometric Voter Registration (BVR):A National and Matabeleland Perspective.The report highlights factionalism in ZANU PF which led to then Vice President E.D Mnangagwa being fired and the stepping down of R.G Mugabe.

This Application challenged the results of the presidential election announced irregularly by the 23rd and 24th respondents on the 3rd day of August 2018. It also challenged the declaration by the 23rd respondent that 1st respondent ids the duly elected presidential candidate for the presidential for the presidential election that took place on the 30th day of July 2018.

SADC electoral Observation Mission to the Republic of Zimbabwe Preliminary statement by his Excellency Manuel Domingos Augusto.

E.D Mnangagwa Urges the court to dismiss Chamisa's application as there was no valid challenge to his election.

Malaba CJ's decision stated that,This is the unanimous judgment of the Court. It must be noted that it, however, does not contain the full reasons thereof. These will be issued in due course.

New Amendments to the electoral Act falls short of expectations.

The Bulletin Stated that contesting for Elections is expensive in Zimbabwe making it essential that Political parties have funding for them to take part in the polls.

This report is based on observations made by the LTOs between 18 May and 07 July 2018 in their respective constituencies from across the country’s 10 provinces. However ZESN produced several thematic reports during the same reporting period, including a report inspection of the voters’ roll, the nomination court, and primary elections for political parties.

This is a review by the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (“ZESN”) of the proposed amendments to Zimbabwe’s legislation on the management and conduct of elections in the country. The Electoral Amendment Bill, 2011 (hereafter, “the Bill”) seeks to amend the Electoral Act (Chapter 2: 13) (hereafter, “the Act”).

This paper contains a framework to guide lobby and advocacy efforts with parliamentarians, policy makers and other critical stakeholders such as ZEC.

On 28 May 2018, another Electoral Amendment Act was passed and the 2018 Election date was announced thereafter. Consequently, as a result of the announcement of the Election day as 30 July 2018, any amendments to the Electoral Act that happen after the proclamation do not apply to the 2018 elections, but other future elections.

ZESN strongly believes that the pathway to the next election should be defined by a comprehensive electoral and political reforms process established and implemented by all key stakeholders.

The Petitioners beseech the Parliament of Zimbabwe to consider and pass the relevant legislation that give life to tenets of the 2013 Constitution.

This report focuses on how Zimbabwe has an unenviable reputation for being the most politically violent country in Southern Africa, certainly since the civil wars ended in Angola and Mozambique, and the independence of Namibia and South Africa.

This briefing paper reviews the political and historical context of the Zimbabwean election with a view of determining the contribution of this past to the electoral outcomes. We hypothesize that the 2018 electoral outcome will be a function of its immediate past and the broader national historical context.

Predisposing the Scourge of Political Violence.Political violence in Zimbabwe has always been a cause for concern. It curses our society. Very little effort or headway has been made to address this historical problem.

In this report for 2008,there are certain trends and characteristics which have been attendant on the incidents reported to the Human rights Forum which rebut the denial of ZANU PF that in most instances the violence that was reported was between over zealous youths and villagers.