The
New
Narrative
of
the
Mnangagwa
Regime
It
is
possible
that
after
an
election
in
2018,
the
Mnangagwa-‐led
regime
could
include
individuals
from
opposition
parties
to
present
an
appearance
of
inclusivity
and
as
a
way
to
get
new
support
for
an
economy
in
deep
crisis.
At
present
the
economy
is
characterised
by
low
levels
of
production,
de-‐
industrialisation
and
massive
informalisation
of
livelihoods.
Public
expenditures
have
also
been
on
the
rise
in
the
face
of
shrinking
revenues
and
high
levels
of
debt.
A
monetary
shortage
and
dominant
levels
of
electronic
money
use
have
fuelled
high
levels
of
speculative
activity
in
the
money
market.
The
unsustainability
of
this
set
of
production
relations
is
clear
to
all
the
major
players.
In
his
first
Presidential
address,
Mnangagwa
pledged
that
his
administration
will
carry
out
various
economic
stabilisation
measures,
including:
promoting
a
market
economy,
ensuring
the
safety
of
foreign
investment,
and
compensation
for
white
farmers
who
lost
their
land
in
the
Fast
Track
Land
Resettlement
Programme.
Mnangagwa
also
stressed
the
importance
of
unity
and
reviving
the
economy.
He
implored
all
party
cadres
to
‘now
think,
sleep,
dream
and
walk
productivity.’
He
further
warned
his
party
that:
We
will
not
be
able
to
accomplish
much
for
as
long
as
our
sense
of
party
work
remains
hidebound
in
the
template
of
looking
at
Zanu
PF
as
about
politics,
politics,
politics.
No
more!
Its
politics
and
economics!
Let
us
recognise
that
the
best
emerge
from
the
marketplace
where
livelihoods
are
made.
Productivity
at
all
levels
must
be
religiously
encouraged…24.’
��
Ironically,
this
discursive
emphasis
on
‘unity’
and
‘productivity’
harked
back
to
the
politics
of
‘reconciliation’
and
‘development’
of
the
1980s,
when
Mugabe
first
came
to
power
and
began
to
consolidate
his
control
over
the
ruling
party
and
the
state.25
Also
like
Mugabe
in
the
1980s,
Mnangagwa
announced
that
he
has
‘already
begun
serious
and
focused
dialogue
with
key
constituent
countries
of
the
West….with
the
objective
of
normalising
our
relations.’26
The
first
budget
speech
of
the
new
regime
also
stressed
the
kind
of
macro-‐economic
stabilisation
neo-‐liberal
measures
that
will
assist
in
reviving
the
2015
Lima
Re-‐Engagement
Strategy
agreed
to
between
the
Government
of
Zimbabwe,
the
international
financial
institutions
and
other
creditors.
In
his
speech
the
Minister
of
Finance
and
Economic
Development,
Patrick
Chinamasa,
drew
attention
to
the
‘fiscal
indiscipline’
and
‘quasi-‐fiscal
expenditure’
of
the
past.
Moreover,
the
fiscal
imbalances
of
the
past,
financed
by
Treasury
Bills
and
overdrafts
with
the
Reserve
Bank
had
resulted
in
‘destabilising
consequences’
on
the
economy.
The
new
Government’s
economic
policy,
Chinamasa
promised,
‘will
be
predicated
on
creating
conditions
for
an
increased
production
led
economic
recovery,
targeting
FDI.’27
In
order
to
attract
FDI,
the
regime
has
also
made
changes
to
the
Indigenisation
24
‘Congress
marks
New
Dawn
of
New
Era….
Zanu
PF
must
be
about
Politics,
Economics,
and
Servant
Leadership
to
Replace
Chef
Syndicate.’
Herald,
15/12/17.
25
Sara
Rich
Dorman,
Understanding
Zimbabwe-‐From
Liberation
to
Authoritarianism,
London,
Hurst
and
Company,
2016;
B.
Raftopoulos
(ed),
Zimbabwe-‐Injustice
and
Political
Reconciliation,
Cape
Town,
Institute
for
Justice
and
Reconciliation,
2004.
26
‘Zim
seeks
Re-‐engagement
on
an
Equal
footing:
Govt.’
Herald
15/12/17.
27
Government
of
Zimbabwe,
National
Budget
Statement
for
2018:
Towards
a
New
Order’.
Presented
to
the
Parliament
of
Zimbabwe
on
Thursday
December
7
2017
by
the
Minister
of
Finance
and
Economic
Development.
8