All forms of information show decline but use of internet is increasing slightly. Round 7 included a further question on the use of social media, not in the three previous Rounds. This showed that most women do not use social media, but slightly more than 11% do. There was a significant rise in women’s perceptions of their freedoms from 2012 to 2014, but followed by a dramatic drop between 2014 and 2017. Is this due to the aftermath of the 2013 elections, fears about the pending elections in 2018, or a massive decline in faith about politics in general against the background of all the faction fighting in the political parties? As for agency, the frequency with which women approached political and public officials is very low indeed. Seen together with the changes in perceptions of freedoms, does this bolster the notion that women feel that politics is irrelevant and outside their control? There is corroborative evidence for this notion for middle class women, and especially young middle class women (RAU. 2016(b)). Women remain support of the idea that democracy is the best model for Zimbabwe, but are doubtful about the Zimbabwean variety: about 70% support democracy, but way less than half feel that Zimbabwe is a democracy. Whilst most women vote, they show declining interest in attending a campaign meeting or rally, and virtually none work actively in supporting a candidate or party. In particular, the diminishing interest in attending political meetings or campaign rallies suggests a growing disaffection with politics. There are many changes over the period in political trust. There is increasing trust in the president, the ruling party, the police and the army, but decreasing trust in parliament, ZEC and the courts. However, the levels of trust for all are low, and only trust in parliament reached the level of a majority. Overall, this a picture of declining interest and confidence in politics, government and political parties over the five years. This must be moderated against the earlier (statistical) study which showed marked differences between rural and urban women, but we also have to bear in mind the findings about middle class women, and especially young middle class women. Clearly, one cannot generalise about Zimbabwean women, and this is important when considering ways to increase the agency and participation of women. One shoe will not fit all, and it is necessary to devise different strategies for different groups of women, but one finding is important in our view, and this relates to urban and middle class women. It is too easy, as Everjoice Win has pointed out (Win. 2004), to focus too much on young, poor and rural women, and certainly, if women are going to be an influence in politics, the middle class and educated woman must be a critical inclusion in any development strategy. Perhaps the way forward to increasing social capital and increasing women’s agency is to follow a simple set of interventions: • Building women’s confidence, speaking skills and knowledge of the issues under discussion, as well as women’s association and forms of mobilisation which support them in public spaces. Formal inclusion of women is not sufficient in itself to ensure their inclusion; • Creating networks and linkages between women would-be political candidates and women in political office, between women in politics and women in movements and women’s organisations, and among women 13